- Restitution narrative: this is the story most favored by physicians and other medical professionals and poses the emphasis on restoring health. These narratives often have three moments:
- they start with physical misery and social default,
- continue with the remedy (what needs to be undertaken) and
- finish with the moment in which remedy is taken;
- moreover, the narrator describes how physical comfort and social duties are restored.
- These are often stories told about patients rather than by patients, also because they give little agency to the narrator: patients simply have to ‘take the medicine’ and get well.
- Chaos narrative, which is really a nonstory: there is little narrative drive or sequence, just a list of negative things that will never improve and by which the narrator is almost overwhelmed.
- The story signals a loss or lack of control, and medicine cannot do anything.
- Quest narrative: this is the teller’s story, where the teller is in control of things. Narrators tell how they met the illness ‘head on’ and sought to use it, to gain something from the experience;
- the story is a kind of journey, with a recognized departure, an initiation (the mental, physical and social suffering that people have experienced) and a return (the narrator is no longer ill but is still marked by the experience).
- Disease is defined as a condition that is diagnosed by a physician or other medical expert, and it is considered as alterations or dysfunction in biological and/or psychological process, a deviation from the recognized ‘normal’ state, an isolated malfunction of a body part;
- ideally, this would include a specific diagnosis according to standardized and systematic diagnostic codes.
- This also means that the clinical specific condition has a known biomedical cause and often known treatments and cures.
- On the other hand, illness is defined as the ill health the person identifies themselves with, often based on self-reported mental or physical symptoms.
- It refers to the lived experience, to how the ill person and the members of the family or wider social network perceive, live with and respond to symptoms and disability;
- it is something being lived through the body and can have many types of meanings, in different contexts, to different people.
- Lastly, Kleinman introduces a third term, sickness. Sickness describes a disorder in a generic sense as applied to a population or group. It is related to a different phenomenon, namely, the social role a person with illness or sickness takes or is given in society, in different arenas of life, often used to measure social consequences for the person of ill health.
- contingent narratives are concerned with those aspects of the patient’s story that deal with beliefs and knowledge about factors that influence the start of disorder.
- If this kind of narratives describes events, their proximate causes and their unfolding effects in relation to the performative of everyday life, moral narratives provide accounts of changes between the person, the illness and social identity and help to (re)establish the moral status of the individual or help maintain social distance, introducing an evaluative dimension into the links between the personal and the social.
- Core narratives reveal connections between the person’s experiences and deeper cultural levels of meaning linked to suffering and illness.
The fourth classification, John Launer: Stories can be divided into three types: progressive, regressive and stable one.
- Progressive narratives move towards the personally valued goals;
- regressive narratives move away from such valued goals; and
- stable narratives sustain the same position in relation to the valued goals throughout the narrative sequence.
- This last kind of narrative could be seen as less engaging than others, because it tends to relate a sequence of events without great drama—a form of storytelling that goes under the heading of the so-called contingent narratives.
- The use of a progressive, regressive and stable framework allows an analysis that safeguards against over-interpreting the range reserved of meanings conveyed by patients’ accounts.
- whatever narrative form may be identified in analysis, many accounts move from one to another, for example, from regressive to stable.
- Consistency in narrative accounts may be achieved or sought by patients, but it may not: much depends on the context in which narratives are constructed and presented and on the intentional acts which they help constitute.
- This classification is very useful to focus on the coping strategies acted by patients: if regressive or stable narrative may show no positive engagement and if narratives are progressive, this may represent an evolving positively situation.
The fifth classification, factual language and symbolic language
- Factual language: digits, facts, visits, number of healed people, contaminated people, of deaths. Mechanism of action by the COVID-19. Rules, countries, decisions made, who visited whom, who was the patient 0, people seen by patient 1, dates of the outbreak, age by mortality rate, gender by mortality rate, immune children, number of available beds by Region, days of isolations- 14 and/or longer, number of potential contaminated people by one asymptomatic carrier, number of masks available, number of ambulances in the streets, spread and fall of the stock market value, number of closed activities, number of online new services, number of days spent in home working, volumes of purrell sold, potential time to vaccines, and so on….
- Metaphoric language: try just to see on the screen shot the numbers of healed and deaths and contaminated as they are in the Frankfurt, Paris, New York London stock-exchange market by analogy
- Sontag argues, obscures illness within dramatic narratives, meant to rouse and inspire…through vigilance and alarm. The problem with stories, of course, is that the action only unfolds through the choices and responses of characters – that is, us – which in turn evokes assumptions about moral values and responsibility…about blame.If the disease wins the battle – does that mean the physician didn’t fight hard enough? that the patient didn’t have enough will to victory? or that, perhaps, the patient might even have inadvertently sabotaged her own defences, through insufficient vigilance, or morally lax behavior? And if contagion spreads, infecting, corrupting…whose unclean habits are to blame? who is the source of the pollution? Sontag makes the connections: our metaphors of illness tell stories of passive weakness, of malicious vice, of threat and danger, which we then use against one another. Never mind this pathogen, that imbalance of brain chemistry, this insufficiency of antibodies, that excess of cellular activity: we have others to blame (and “they” are always “other), others who can be the target of our shame, helplessness, fear, hatred. It might be a natural, human, impulse to use stories to give shape and meaning to otherwise arbitrary, uncontrollable phenomena; the danger is that the metaphorical thinking that we use to build those stories for our individual comfort then takes on a life of its own. The metaphors are especially vulnerable to ideological use, not at the level of the individual body, but of the body politic – the metaphors of invasion, pollution, sickness are used to justify the marginalization and separation of whole populations: Jews in 1930s Germany; gay men in 1980s America; immigrants, refugees, “aliens” (and their children) who threaten us with the infection of difference
- In addition, -the plague and plague spreaders. The cancer metaphor of the society has quietly faded away: now the new words are “infodemia”, “the viral decisions of politicians”.
Albert Camus the plague:
“Flagella, indeed, are a common thing, but flagella are hardly believed to be when they fall upon your head. In the world there have been, in equal numbers, plagues and wars; and yet plagues and wars catch men always unprepared. (…) Stupidity always insists, we would notice if we didn’t always think of ourselves. In this regard, our fellow citizens were like everyone else, they thought of themselves, the scourge is not commensurate with man, we are therefore told that the scourge is unreal, it is a bad dream that will pass.”
- Plutchik argued for the primacy of these emotions by showing each to be the trigger of behavior with high survival value, such as the way fear inspires the fight-or-flight response.
- Plutchik’s psycho-evolutionary theory of basic emotions has these main postulates:
- 1. The concept of emotion is applicable to all evolutionary levels and applies to all animals, including humans.
- 2. Emotions have an evolutionary history and have evolved various forms of expression in different species.
- 3. There are a small number of basic, primary or prototype emotions.
- 4. All other emotions are mixed or derivative states; that is, they occur as combinations, mixtures or compounds of the primary emotions.
- 5. Each emotion can exist in varying degrees of intensity or levels of arousal.
The moment that I was informed that we had become a COVID-19 department, I was devastated. This coronavirus is so frightening, and I knew that I could die from it. I am a person who needs to be in control, and I had lost control, I was so frightened. This entire new situation was scary—a situation of life or death. Moreover, I was in it. At the level of the team, we did not know what to expect, personally and collectively, as a department. I did not know what was expected from me as a social worker and what were the guidelines; everything was new. We created everything from the beginning, and I was scared.
Julie’s “I Poem” |
I love [my job]
I love [the feeling of contributing]
I am [in the frontline]
Dina’s “I Poem” |
Management worked well during the crisis; I want to thank the management for the adaptions that were made by mobilization of staff and change of policies and for taking the time to listen; and in my opinion, the hospital and management are doing well.--Dan, assistant nurse
Theme: Meaningfulness
“Patients with coronavirus helped me to feel valued and meaningful, [especially] the conversations with the patients and the phone conversations with their families out there in their homes, so worried about their loved ones. I was there for the patients and their families, and it allowed me to feel meaningful and to want to continue treating patients.”--Carol, nurse
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